{"id":8256,"date":"2016-07-29T06:59:07","date_gmt":"2016-07-29T06:59:07","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/acarhoca.com\/?p=8256"},"modified":"2016-07-29T06:59:07","modified_gmt":"2016-07-29T06:59:07","slug":"guvenlik-kimin-tekelinde","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/acarhoca.com\/?p=8256","title":{"rendered":"G\u00dcVENL\u0130K K\u0130M\u0130N TEKEL\u0130NDE?"},"content":{"rendered":"<p style=\"text-align: justify;\">T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de Cumhuriyet kuruldu\u011fundan beri, g\u00fcvenlik konusunda s\u00f6ylem \u00fcretme, daima sivil-askeri b\u00fcrokratik <strong>elitin<\/strong> tekelinde kalm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. T\u00fcrkiye\u201fnin \u201cmilli g\u00fcvenlik\u201d tan\u0131m\u0131, bu tan\u0131m\u0131 \u00fcretenler d\u0131\u015f\u0131ndaki akt\u00f6rler taraf\u0131ndan neredeyse hi\u00e7 sorgulanmam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bu geleneksel s\u00f6ylem<strong> ayr\u0131lma ve toprak talebi olur endi\u015fesine<\/strong> dayanmaktad\u0131r. Bir de s\u0131k\u00e7a dile getirilen <strong>Jeo-politik konum<\/strong> var ki daha fazla \u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131karak toprak kayb\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6n\u00fcne ge\u00e7me e\u011filimindedir.<br \/>\n\u0130ngiltere\u2019nin AB\u2019den \u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131na sebep olan, neredeyse b\u00fct\u00fcn referandum kampanyas\u0131n\u0131n temel slogan\u0131 olan \u201c76 milyonluk T\u00fcrkiye Avrupa\u2019da\u201d d\u00f6vizlerine ne demeli? <strong>N\u00fcfus, ekonomik anlamda g\u00fc\u00e7t\u00fcr.<\/strong> Hele dinamikse, gen\u00e7se ba\u015fkalar\u0131n\u0131n korkulu r\u00fcyas\u0131 haline gelebilir. B\u00f6ylece ba\u015fkalar\u0131n\u0131n kolayca at oynatmas\u0131na engel olabilecek bu g\u00fcce f\u0131rsat verilir mi sorusu akla geliyor. Belki b\u00fct\u00fcn bunlara ilave olarak bir de\u00a0<strong>stratejik\u00a0bir \u00fcr\u00fcne sahipse o \u00fclke;<\/strong> ba\u015fka \u00fclkeler a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan korku ve endi\u015fenin kayna\u011f\u0131 oluverir. Stratejik \u00fcr\u00fcn bir bulu\u015f ya da bir ham maddeye sahip olmak, belki bir ge\u00e7i\u015f g\u00fczergah\u0131 \u00fczerinde olmak \u015feklinde g\u00f6r\u00fclebilir. Bu durum sahip olan a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan avantaj\u0131 simgelerken; rakipler nezdinde de eksiklik ve muhta\u00e7l\u0131\u011f\u0131 temsil etmektedir. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla g\u00fcvenli\u011fin \u00fclke i\u00e7i kadar d\u0131\u015f akt\u00f6rlerin davran\u0131\u015flar\u0131na ba\u011fl\u0131 geli\u015fmesi dikkat \u00e7ekicidir.<br \/>\nT\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin, \u0130mparatorluk bakiyesi alg\u0131s\u0131 Sevr Antla\u015fmas\u0131\u201fndan bu yana a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 tedbire odaklanm\u0131\u015f durumdad\u0131r. Yay\u0131lan ve h\u0131zla b\u00fcy\u00fcyen bir g\u00fc\u00e7ten, duraklayan ve gerileyen bir imparatorlu\u011fa d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fen Osmanl\u0131, \u00f6zellikle son 300 y\u0131l\u0131na b\u00fcy\u00fck g\u00fc\u00e7lerin d\u00fc\u015fmanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 tezini yerle\u015ftirmi\u015ftir. Buradaki g\u00fcvenlik duygusu da \u0130kinci D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131 sonras\u0131 b\u00fct\u00fcn kurumlar\u0131yla bat\u0131 kul\u00fcb\u00fcnde yer alma ile sonu\u00e7lanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. NATO \u2018nun da dahil edildi\u011fi bu s\u00fcre\u00e7, g\u00fcvenli\u011fin hep g\u00fcndemde olmas\u0131n\u0131n delilidir. Topraklar\u0131nda g\u00f6z\u00fc olan \u201cB\u00fcy\u00fck G\u00fc\u00e7ler\u201d fobisi yeni de\u011fildir. Osmanl\u0131dan ba\u015flayan toprak kay\u0131plar\u0131yla, hep bir geri \u00e7ekilme korkusu ve \u201cnereye kadar?\u201d endi\u015fesi bu tarihsel arka planla birle\u015fmi\u015ftir. \u201c<strong>Ver kurtul<\/strong>\u201d \u015feklinde s\u00f6yleniveren sloganlar da bir t\u00fcr \u201cSevr Fobisi\u201dne (S\u00e9vresfobia) yol a\u00e7m\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<br \/>\nT\u00fcrkiye siyasi ve fiziki konumu gere\u011fi, sundu\u011fu f\u0131rsatlar yan\u0131 s\u0131ra riskler de i\u00e7ermektedir. Milli g\u00fcvenlik s\u00f6yleminin ve uygulamalar\u0131n\u0131n \u201cdevaml\u0131 tetikte olmas\u0131n\u0131 gerektiren\u201d bir \u00fclkenin g\u00fcvenli\u011fi belirli bir dinamizm de i\u00e7ermektedir. iki kutuplu d\u00fcnyan\u0131n \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclmesi, SSCB\u2019nin tarihte bir devlet haline gelmesi, Balkanlarda ya\u015fanan de\u011fi\u015fim, Sovyetler\u2019in da\u011f\u0131lmas\u0131 ve buna ba\u011fl\u0131 olarak yeni devletlerin ortaya \u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131, Yugoslavya&#8217;n\u0131n \u00e7\u00f6kmesi, Bosna\u2019da ya\u015fanan sava\u015f, Irak&#8217;\u0131n Kuveyt\u2019i i\u015fgali ve ard\u0131ndan ya\u015fanan K\u00f6rfez Sava\u015f\u0131, Orta Do\u011fu\u201fda bar\u0131\u015f s\u00fcrecinin \u00e7\u00f6kmesi gibi temel geli\u015fmelere, Suriye ve Irak&#8217;\u0131n b\u00f6l\u00fcnme s\u00fcreci eklenmi\u015ftir. Zaman\u0131nda Sykes-Picot taraf\u0131ndan olu\u015fturulan s\u0131n\u0131rlar ba\u015fka memnuniyetsizliklere de yol a\u00e7m\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. B\u00fct\u00fcn bu geli\u015fmeler, hep T\u00fcrkiye&#8217;nin yan\u0131 ba\u015f\u0131nda cereyan ederken ama\u00e7, \u00fclkenin ve y\u00f6netimlerin yenide dizayn edilmesidir.<\/p>\n<h3 style=\"text-align: justify;\">G\u00fcvenlik Ordusu ve Ordunun G\u00fcvenilirli\u011fi<\/h3>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\">Bernard Lewis\u2019in T\u00fcrkiye Cumhuriyeti\u2019ni olu\u015fturan g\u00fcc\u00fc tan\u0131mlarken s\u00f6yledi\u011fi gibi, \u201c\u00fclkeyi d\u00fc\u015fmandan kurtaran, Cumhuriyet\u2019i kuran irade onu kendi haline b\u0131rakmayacakt\u0131r.\u201d ifadesi orduyu dominant olarak en \u00fcst seviyeye oturtmaktad\u0131r. Hele ki cumhuriyetin ilk y\u0131llar\u0131ndan itibaren \u00f6zellikle d\u0131\u015f politika ve g\u00fcvenlik alanlar\u0131n\u0131 elinde tutan sivil-askeri b\u00fcrokratik elitler uzun vadeli bir \u201cg\u00fcvenlik yo\u011fun\u201d s\u00fcrecin temelini atm\u0131\u015flard\u0131r. Burada ba\u015fat akt\u00f6r \u201cordu\u201ddur. Milli m\u00fccadelenin asker k\u00f6kenli kadrolar\u0131n \u00f6nderli\u011finde ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirilmesi ve ard\u0131ndan yeni devletin bu kadro taraf\u0131ndan kurulmas\u0131, hem toplumsal ya\u015famda ordunun kurtar\u0131c\u0131 rol\u00fcn\u00fcn \u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131na hem de bunun resmi s\u00f6ylemde vurgulanmas\u0131na sebep olmu\u015ftur. Bu y\u00fczden 1960, 1971 ve 1980 y\u0131llar\u0131ndaki darbelerde halk, ordunun m\u00fcdahalesinin yan\u0131nda yer alm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<br \/>\nT\u00fcrk toplumu \u201casker millet\u201d, \u201cordu millet\u201d tan\u0131mlamalar\u0131na uygun bir demokrasi s\u00fcreci de ya\u015famas\u0131 sebebiyle, ge\u00e7mi\u015f y\u0131llardaki \u201c<strong>darbe<\/strong>\u201d yoluyla y\u00f6netimin ele ge\u00e7irilmesi ve demokrasinin askeri y\u00f6ntemlerle ortadan kald\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131na hemen hi\u00e7 tepki vermemi\u015ftir. Orduyu ayr\u0131cal\u0131kl\u0131 bir konum kazand\u0131ran bu durum ordunun veya temsil etti\u011fi g\u00fcc\u00fcn y\u00fcceltilmesi ile ilgilidir. Ancak 15 Temmuz darbesi \u00e7aresizli\u011fin de\u011fil \u201ckeyfili\u011fin\u201d \u00f6n\u00fcn\u00fc a\u00e7mas\u0131 nedeniyle halk nezdinde bir kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k bulmam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Geli\u015fmenin temeli, kurumlar\u0131n ya\u015fayabilece\u011fi ortam\u0131n sunulmas\u0131d\u0131r. Bu ortam uygun oldu\u011fu vakit sanat, siyaset, ekonomi ve ticaretten her birinin geli\u015fti\u011fi g\u00f6r\u00fclecektir. \u00c7\u00f6z\u00fcm, bunlar\u0131n geli\u015febilece\u011fi g\u00fcvenli ortam\u0131n sunulmas\u0131ndad\u0131r.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de Cumhuriyet kuruldu\u011fundan beri, g\u00fcvenlik konusunda s\u00f6ylem \u00fcretme, daima sivil-askeri b\u00fcrokratik elitin tekelinde kalm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. T\u00fcrkiye\u201fnin \u201cmilli g\u00fcvenlik\u201d tan\u0131m\u0131, bu tan\u0131m\u0131 \u00fcretenler d\u0131\u015f\u0131ndaki akt\u00f6rler taraf\u0131ndan neredeyse hi\u00e7 sorgulanmam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bu geleneksel s\u00f6ylem ayr\u0131lma ve toprak talebi olur endi\u015fesine dayanmaktad\u0131r. Bir de s\u0131k\u00e7a dile getirilen Jeo-politik konum var ki daha fazla \u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131karak toprak kayb\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6n\u00fcne ge\u00e7me e\u011filimindedir. [&hellip;]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":8043,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[1,166,214,125],"tags":[324,323,322,327,320,325,321,328,326],"class_list":["post-8256","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-genel","category-guncel","category-sanayi","category-siyaset","tag-15-temmuz","tag-bernard-lewis","tag-ekonomik-anlamda-guctur","tag-ingiltere","tag-jeo-politik-konum","tag-nato","tag-nufus","tag-osmanli","tag-sevr-antlasmasi"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/acarhoca.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/8256","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/acarhoca.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/acarhoca.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/acarhoca.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/acarhoca.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcomments&post=8256"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/acarhoca.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/8256\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":8258,"href":"https:\/\/acarhoca.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/8256\/revisions\/8258"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/acarhoca.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/media\/8043"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/acarhoca.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fmedia&parent=8256"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/acarhoca.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcategories&post=8256"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/acarhoca.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Ftags&post=8256"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}